In 2000, the Department of Education established comhairle na Gaelscolaíochta (CnaG), a representative body of Irish secondary education. According to the CnaG, in 2012 there were around 90 Irish-language schools at pre-school, primary and post-primary levels, providing Irish middle school to nearly 5,000 children.1 There appears to be steady progress in promoting Irish middle school. Before the agreement, fewer than 500 pupils were enrolled in Irish-language schools. 3. Accordingly, all participants reaffirm their commitment to the complete disarmament of all paramilitary organizations. They also reaffirm their intention to continue to cooperate constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission and to use any influence they may have to achieve the dismantling of all paramilitary weapons within two years of the approval of the Agreement by referendum in the north and south of the Agreement and in the context of the implementation of the general regime. The Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, contained in the UK`s withdrawal agreement from the EU, reaffirmed that the Good Friday Agreement must be protected in its entirety. Among the participants in the agreement were two sovereign states (the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland) with armed and police forces involved in the unrest. Two political parties, Sinn Féin and the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), were linked to paramilitary organisations: the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) respectively. The Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), which was linked to the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), had withdrawn from the talks three months earlier.
The overall result of these problems was to damage unionists` confidence in the deal, which was exploited by the anti-deal DUP, which eventually overtook the pro-deal Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) in the 2003 general election. The UUP had already resigned from power-sharing in 2002 after the Stormontgate scandal, in which three men were accused of gathering information. These charges were eventually dropped in 2005 on the controversial grounds that the persecution was not “in the public interest”. Immediately afterwards, one of the accused Sinn Féin members, Denis Donaldson, was denounced as a British agent. 3. The Assembly shall exercise full legislative and executive powers over matters currently within the competence of the six ministries of Northern Ireland, with the possibility of assuming responsibility for other matters described elsewhere in this Agreement. On Friday, April 10, 1998, at 5:30 p.m.m., an American politician named George Mitchell, who chaired the talks, said: “I am pleased to inform you that the two governments and the political parties of Northern Ireland have reached an agreement.” The agreement reaffirms the commitment to “mutual respect, civil rights and religious freedoms of all members of the community.” The multi-party agreement recognised “the importance of respect, understanding and tolerance with regard to linguistic diversity”, in particular with regard to the Irish language, Ulster Scots and the languages of other ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, “all of which are part of the cultural richness of the island of Ireland”. Brooke also tried to get Northern Ireland`s constitutional parties to talk to each other. He suggested that the talks between the parties should cover three parts: the first, which deals with relations within Northern Ireland; the second concerns relations between the two parts of Ireland; and the third, which deals with relations between the British and Irish governments. Talks began in April 1991, but quickly became bogged down in procedural disagreements.
But the three-part format should be at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement. Under the agreement, Northern Ireland, like the rest of the UK, is no longer part of the EU`s customs union, which is the basis for common customs duties on all goods entering the bloc. The necessary customs controls should not take place at the border with the Republic of Ireland, but between Northern Ireland and Great Britain; This creates a new border in the Irish Sea. In the meantime, Northern Ireland – but not the rest of the UK – will continue to comply with many EU single market rules, allowing the land border with Ireland to remain open. In addition, the Protocol is supported by a separate agreement between Ireland and the United Kingdom, which allows for the free movement of persons between the two countries. 1. Participants recognize that policing is a central issue in any society. They also recognise that the history of deep divisions in Northern Ireland has made it very moving, with major injuries and sacrifices suffered by many individuals and their families, including those of the RUC and other civil servants. They believe the agreement offers the possibility of a fresh start for policing in Northern Ireland with a police service capable of receiving and maintaining support from the community as a whole. They also believe that this agreement offers a unique opportunity to create a new political dispensation that recognises the full and equal legitimacy and value of the identities, loyalty and ethics of all parts of the community in Northern Ireland.
They consider that this possibility should influence and support the development of a representative of the police service as regards the composition of the Community as a whole, which should be systematically disarmed in a peaceful environment. In the context of political violence during the unrest, the agreement committed to “exclusively democratic and peaceful means of settling disputes over political issues.” This was done in two aspects: it is because the Good Friday Agreement concluded complicated agreements between the different parties. The three strands of the Pact created a network of institutions to govern Northern Ireland (Orientation One), to bring together the leaders of Northern Ireland with those of Ireland (Alignment Two or North-South Cooperation), and to bring together leaders from across Great Britain and Ireland (Orientation Three or East-West Cooperation). There are currently more than 140 areas of cross-border cooperation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, including health services, energy infrastructure and policing. Many experts and political leaders fear that any disruption to this cooperation will undermine confidence in the agreement and thus the basis for peace in Northern Ireland. The possible return of a hard border between the two states was a constant sticking point during Brexit exit negotiations and eventually led to the Northern Ireland Protocol – a controversial deal that created an invisible border in the Irish Sea for some goods moving between Northern Ireland and Britain. After marathon negotiations, an agreement was finally reached on 10 April 1998. The Good Friday Agreement was a complex balancing act that reflected the three-pronged approach. In Northern Ireland, he created a new devolved assembly for Northern Ireland with the requirement that executive power be shared by the parties representing both communities. In addition, a new North-South Council of Ministers should be set up to institutionalise the link between the two parts of Ireland. The Irish Government also undertook to amend Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of the Republic, which claimed Northern Ireland, to reflect instead the pursuit of Irish unity by purely democratic means while recognising the diversity of identities and traditions in Ireland.
Finally, an Island Council should be created recognising the “totality of relations” within the British Isles, including representatives of both governments and decentralised institutions in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The two main political parties in the deal were the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) led by David Trimble and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) led by John Hume. The two Heads of State and Government jointly won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1998. The other parties involved in reaching a deal were Sinn Féin, the Alliance Party and the Progressive Unionist Party. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), which later became the largest Unionist party, did not support the deal. She left the talks when Sinn Féin and the loyalist parties joined because republican and loyalist paramilitary weapons had not been downgraded. – the right to request a constitutional amendment by peaceful and legitimate means; In 2004, negotiations took place between the two governments, the DUP and Sinn Féin on an agreement to restore the institutions. These talks failed, but a document published by governments detailing changes to the Belfast Agreement became known as the “Global Agreement”.
However, on 26 September 2005, it was announced that the Provisional Irish Republican Army had completely decommissioned and “decommissioned” its arsenal. .